Friday, July 04, 2014

THIS JUST IN! CULT OF ST. BARACK IS OFFENDED YET AGAIN!

BULLY BOY PRESS &    CEDRIC'S BIG MIX -- THE KOOL-AID TABLE


CAN WE TALK?

JOAN RIVERS JOKED FADED CELEBRITY BARRY O WAS GAY AND FIRST LADY SHE-HULK WAS TRANSGENDER.

'OH THE HORROR!' CRIED THE CULT -- AS SOFT AND SOFT BRAINED AS THEIR FALSE GOD.

THE HORROR?

THIS IS JOAN RIVERS.

JOAN RIVERS WHO ONCE DID A BIT MOCKING ELIZABETH TAYLOR CHOCKING ON A CHICKEN BONE -- SOMETHING THAT HAD HAPPENED IN REAL LIFE.

SO JUST GROW THE F**K UP, YOU BIG BABIES.

THEY'RE JUST JOKES.

THE CULT OF ST. BARACK REALLY NEEDS TO BE PUT ON PROZAC AND THEY ALSO NEED TO GET AN EDUCATION THAT GOES BEYOND READING YOUNG ADULT FICTION.


FROM THE TCI WIRE:



Today at the Pentagon, Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey and Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel addresses the issue of Iraq.

Secretary Chuck Hagel:  And I'd like to focus a couple of comments on Iraq as I -- as I start.
Our efforts here at DOD have been focused on two specific missions. And I want to lay a bit of a framework down and a base down on what those missions are and then I know you'll have questions.
But in a very clear, deliberate way, first securing our embassy, facilities and our personnel in Iraq.
Second, assessing the situation in Iraq and advising the Iraqi security forces.
Both of these missions are important components of the president's overall strategy in Iraq, helping Iraq's leaders resolve the political crisis that has enabled ISIL's advance and supporting Iraqi forces.
By reinforcing security at the U.S. embassy, its support facilities in Baghdad International Airport, we're helping provide our diplomats time and space to work with Sunni, Kurd, Shia political leaders as they attempt to form a new inclusive national unity government.
By better understanding the conditions on the ground and the capabilities of the Iraqi security forces, we'll be better able to help advise them as they combat ISIL forces inside their own country.
Approximately 200 military advisers are now on the ground. We have established a joint operations center with Iraqis in Baghdad and we have personnel on the ground in Erbil where our second joint operations center has achieved initial operating capability.
Assessment teams are also evaluating the capabilities and cohesiveness of Iraqi forces. None of these troops are performing combat missions. None will perform combat missions.
President Obama has been very clear that American combat troops are not going to be fighting in Iraq again. The situation in Iraq, as you all know, is complex and it's fluid. But there's no exclusively military solution to the threats posed by ISIL. Our approach is deliberate and flexible. It is designed to bolster our diplomatic efforts and support the Iraqi people. We will remain prepared to protect our people and our interests in Iraq.
As most Americans enjoy this holiday weekend, our military around the world, and especially in the Middle East, will stay postured and ready for any contingency in that region.

As we celebrate Independence Day tomorrow, I want to particularly express my gratitude to the men and women and their families who serve our nation at home and abroad, both civilian and in uniform. I thank you all for what you do to keep our country safe every day.


Okay, before we get to the questions, let's again restate the obvious: US President Barack Obama has refused to put forward a concrete list of actions for how the US can 'help' Iraq.  This probably goes a long way to explaining the results in the recent Quinnipiac poll.

CNN reports, "The poll also indicates that most say it's not in the national interest to get involved in the fighting in Iraq and oppose sending U.S. ground troops to help the Iraqi government, which is trying to hault an aggressive drive by radical Sunni militants who have captured city after city in northern and central Iraq as they march towards Baghdad."

If today's Pentagon press briefing was an honest attempt at informing the people, it failed tremendously.

Even General Dempsey could not explain what the White House has planned for Iraq.



Q: For General Dempsey, to begin with.
Sir, at the beginning, the Pentagon said one of the objectives was to break the momentum of ISIS.
So my question is very specific, not to the assessments. But what is your measure of success in doing that? How do you know that -- how much do you break the momentum? How do you know, mission accomplished this time, that you can say to the president, "We have achieved those objectives"?
And is it enough for the Iraqi forces simply to be able to hold Baghdad? Is the measure of success that? Or is it the Iraqi forces able to go north and regain this massive territory that ISIS has right now?
Are you -- is the United States military prepared, if they have to, to defend Baghdad and defend the airport?


GEN. DEMPSEY: So the questions get more and more complex as we go.

Q: We haven't seen you in a long time.


GEN. DEMPSEY: Yeah, I know you haven't. Well, you know, it's impossible to wrestle the podium away from John Kirby.
The -- I don't think you've ever heard me say that we would break the momentum.

Q: Actually, Admiral Kirby said it.


GEN. DEMPSEY: Well, I told you. That's my problem.
The issue is for us -- has been for us to determine the ability of the ISF after having suffered some initial setbacks to be able to stabilize the situation and eventually go back on the offensive to regain their sovereign territory and what will we be willing to contribute to that cause. And that's not a question that we're prepared to answer just yet.
In terms of -- you know, you mentioned the airport and you mentioned our intentions. Remember, the phrase I used was that we are protecting that which would allow us to preserve options. And the airport, not the entire airport, but that part of it that we need for logistics, resupply and potentially for evacuation, we are protecting that part of the airport for that purpose.
It's -- it really is about deliberately first preserving options and then developing options. And if you are asking me, will the Iraqis, at some point, be able to go back on the offensive to recapture the part of -- of Iraq that they've lost, I think that's a really broad campaign-quality question.
Probably not by themselves. It doesn't mean we would have to provide kinetic support. I'm not suggesting that that's the direction this is headed. But in any military campaign, you would want to develop multiple actions to squeeze ISIL. You'd like to squeeze them from the south and west. You'd like to squeeze them from the north and you'd like to squeeze them from Baghdad. And that's a campaign that has to be developed.

But the first step in developing that campaign is to determine whether we have a reliable Iraqi partner that is committed to growing their country into something that all Iraqis will be willing to participate in. If the answer to that is no, then the future is pretty bleak.


So, with hundreds of US troops sent back into Iraq, what is the plan?

The best Dempsey can offer is that there's a "first step" in which the US will "determine whether we have a reliable Iraqi partner that is committed to growing their country into something that all Iraqis will be willing to participate in.  If the answer to that is no, then the future is pretty bleak."

Right now it appears the future is pretty bleak.  It's a shame this couldn't have been determined before hundreds of US troops were sent into Iraq in the last weeks.

The press wasn't just taking dictation in the briefing.


Q: Yes. Again, General Dempsey, what you just described sounds like an open-ended commitment or mission for the U.S. military. A stable Iraq, an inclusive government, the ability to force ISIL into some find of retreat or submission sounds like a long-term effort. What is the end game? When will the president be able to say, "let's bring our boys home"?

GEN. DEMPSEY: Well, first of all, this is not 2003. It's not 2006. This is a very different approach than we've -- than we've taken in the past. I mean, assessing, advising and enabling are very different words than attacking, defeating and disrupting.



Okay, so it was "attacking, defeating and disrupting" and now it's "assessing, advising and enabling."  Who knew that for every trillion dollars a nation wastes on an illegal war, Collins Reference tossed in a Roget's Thesaurus?  Apparently, they tossed in a calendar as well allowing Dempsey to grasp that it was neither 2003 nor 2006.

Dempsey then went on to explain that US troops on the ground may, in fact, despite the claims otherwise, be involved in "direct action."  He stated, "We may get to that point if our national interests drive us there; if ISIL becomes such a threat to the homeland that -- that the president of the United States, with our advice, decides that we have to take direct action. I'm just suggesting to you we're not there yet."

And when reporters hear this and ask about it?  A lot of spinning takes place.


Q: Mr. Secretary, you said the advisers would not be involved in combat. General Dempsey, you have raised the possibility that those advisers could be used as forward air controllers in the event that you called in air strikes, which I think most people would regard as being involved in combat. So, which is it on that?
And second, you mentioned that the Iraqis, to go on the offensive, would most likely to need help in logistics, which sounds like a prescription for sending in more U.S. advisers, troops, opening up supply depots. Is that on the table?

GEN. DEMPSEY: You know, there's a tendency to think of this as kind of industrial-strength, you know, where we're going to put a mountain of supplies someplace, and then that's going to require us to protect it, and then we've got to move it forward into the hands of the Iraqis to ensure that they use it and use it responsibly and effectively.
And that's -- that's obviously one possibility, but it's not one that personally I think the situation demands. I think the situation demands first and foremost that the Iraqi political system find a way to separate the Sunnis who have partnered now with ISIL, because they have zero confidence in the ability of Iraq's politicians to govern.
If you can separate those groups, then the problem becomes manageable and understandable and allows us to be in a position to enable Iraq, not with a huge industrial-strength effort, but rather with the special skills, leadership and niche capabilities that we possess uniquely. And there's no daylight between what an adviser will do.
We haven't made -- right now as we sit here, the advisers are categorically not involved in combat operations. They're literally assessing. That's their task. If the assessment comes back and reveals that it would be beneficial to this effort and to our national security interests to put the advisers in a different role, I will first consult with the secretary. We will consult with the president. We'll provide that option and we'll move ahead. But that's where we are today.

Q: (inaudible) -- will not be involved.

SEC. HAGEL: Well, I think the chairman made it very clear. These are assessment teams and that's their mission. Their mission is limited and it is a clear scope of what their mission is, and it is to assess. It is to come back with their assessment of where they believe we are regarding ISF, ISIL, and all the other dimensions that I -- let me finish -- that I said.
Advisers or what may come as a result of any assessments as to what they would come back to General Dempsey with or General Austin, and eventually me and eventually the president, I don't know where they're going to be. But their mission today is making those assessments. So I think the general was pretty clear.

Q: But their mission could change.

SEC. HAGEL: That wasn't your question. 


Actually, it was: "Mr. Secretary, you said the advisers would not be involved in combat. General Dempsey, you have raised the possibility that those advisers could be used as forward air controllers in the event that you called in air strikes, which I think most people would regard as being involved in combat. So, which is it on that?  And second, you mentioned that the Iraqis, to go on the offensive, would most likely to need help in logistics, which sounds like a prescription for sending in more U.S. advisers, troops, opening up supply depots. Is that on the table?"  The entire question was based on the mission changing.

And because Barack has failed to clearly define the US mission, Hagel's left to snap, "That wasn't your question."


Hagel went on to insist, "We have one mission today, and that's assessments. I don't know what the assessments are going to come back and say or what they would recommend. We'll wait to see what that is, what General Austin and General Dempsey then recommend. But, that's the whole point of assessments."

Is that the whole point of assessments?

Thank you for sharing that.  But at what point is a clear mission presented to the American people?

General Dempsey spoke of Iran, "On Iran. Look, anyone who's served in Iraq through the years knows that Iran has been active in Iraq since 2005. So, the -- the thought that they are active in Iraq in 2014 is completely unsurprising. Now, it's probably more overt than it has been up until now. And as you know, they -- they, too, have come over to in some ways advise this call for -- for young Shia men to rise in the defense of their nation that Sistani made.  By the way, when Sistani made that proclamation, he talked about an Iraq for all Iraqis. I hope so. We'll see. That's a question that has yet to be answered. But the Iranians are there, as you know. They're also flying some unmanned aerial vehicles, and they have, as you described, provided some military equipment. I don't know whether it has violated any Security Council resolutions. That will have to be determined.  In terms of whether we intend to coordinate with them or not, we do not intend at this time to coordinate them. It's not impossible that in the future we would be -- we would have reason to do so. In terms of de-conflicting, let's take the airspace. That's sovereign Iraqi airspace. So the de-confliction of our ISR and their ISR and our flights and their flights, that's an Iraqi responsibility which they are capable of fulfilling."





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"Pig boy Barack"
"THIS JUST IN! BARRY O'S WAR ON WOMEN! "


  • Thursday, July 03, 2014

    THIS JUST IN! BARRY O'S WAR ON WOMEN!

    BULLY BOY PRESS &    CEDRIC'S BIG MIX -- THE KOOL-AID TABLE


    ON THE HEELS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE DECLARING FADED CELEBRITY BARRY O THE WORST PRESIDENT SINCE WWII COMES NEWS THAT HE'S STILL THE LITTLE PIGGY WHO, CAMPAIGNING AGAINST HILLARY, FELT THE NEED TO MENTION 'CLAWS' AND 'PERIODICALLY' AND SO MUCH MORE.

    THOUGH MS. MAGAZINE SHAMED THEMSELVES FOREVER BY TOSSING HIM ON THE COVER AND PROCLAIMING HIM THE FACE OF FEMINISM, BARRY O IS THE MAN WHO LOVES MEN -- SWEATY MEN ON THE GOLF COURSE, SWEATY MEN PLAYING HOOPS.  HE SHUTS WOMEN OUT EVERY CHANCE HE GETS.  AND NOW COMES MORE DISTURBING NEWS:

    The pay gap between men and women working at the White House has not narrowed since President Barack Obama’s first year in office, according to a new report, despite Obama’s emphasis on pay equity ahead of the midterm elections.

    REACHED FOR COMMENT BARRY O INSISTED THE PAY GAY WAS NO PROBLEM, "IF THE GIRLS NEEDS A FEW MORE BUCKS, THEY CAN ASK THEIR HUSBANDS."







    First off, US President Barack Obama is polling very poorly these days.  Cedric and Wally noted it in their joint-post this morning:


  • Alsumaria notes it here.  And, possibly as a result of this latest poll, two White House friends asked if I would note this.  The White House has created a webpage for people to follow what is going on in Iraq -- US efforts and otherwise.  I said I would note it and I have -- however, a page they're pushing that hasn't updated since June 19th?  Not sure how that's going to restore any confidence in the White House.


    What is The Huffington Post?

    It has no consistency whatsoever.  Two idiots were whining -- and you know their idiots because Bernie Sanders has since linked to them -- about the 'groovy' men who were right about Iraq all along.  Ava and I took on the idiots nonsense in "TV: The useless huffing and puffing of flaccid men" Sunday at Third.  The HuffyPost whined about one man after another being blocked out and we explained why the HuffyPost chose bad people to root for.  We'll use Kent Conrad here as an example:

    They started with former US Senator Kent Conrad.  He, they informed you, was one of 21 senators to vote against the Iraq War.
    They then thunder over the refusal of networks to book Kent!
    Oh, the horror.
    Poor Kent Conrad!
    Not booked for TV because he took a stand against the Iraq War.
    Or maybe not booked because he's off putting on TV?
    His voice irritates.
    But the Huff Post never wants to offer facts, mind you.
    So they pretend that Kent's being overlooked because he was right.
    Was he right about Countrywide Financial?
    Because that is why he left the Senate, didn't run for re-election, remember?
    Yes, a Democratically controlled ethics panel did say he hadn't broken the law.
    But the financial scandal touched him since he was pro-Countrywide and they'd been so very generous to him with loans.
    It's called corruption and most hosts would be leery booking someone like Kent Conrad as an 'expert.' That'd be like booking pedophile Scott Ritter.
    And then there's that other detail: "former" senator.
    Today, on ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox News and CNN, Iraq will be addressed by the following officials:  US President Barack Obama, former President Bill Clinton, former US Ambassador to Iraq James Jeffrey, Senator Joe Manchin, Senator John Barrasso, US House Rep. Peter King, U.S. House Rep. Mike Rogers, and former NSA director and CIA director Michael Hayden.
    Please note, all members of Congress?
    They're currently serving.
    No Congressional member invited on is a 'former' member of Congress except maybe Barack who is, after all, a sitting president.
    So Kent Conrad, who left the Senate in disgrace, who chose not to run for re-election because of the Countrywide scandal?
    He's really not the ingredients for a solid argument.


    So HuffPost is now in the position that Congressional members receiving favors from banks is a good thing? Didn't Arianna entitle one of her books Pigs at the Trough and weren't those pigs supposed to be seen as a bad thing?

    Regardless, the bad piece Ava and I took on was two (bad) writers arguing their personal faves were being shut out while those who helped the war -- booster, supporter, planner, whatever -- were getting media attention today and invited to pen columns and appear in the media.


    Can we have a little consistency?  Is that too much to ask?

    Huff Post was insisting over the weekend that the pro-war voices needed to be shut out today.  So today they run garbage written by dimwit Ibrahim al-Marashi?

    For those who don't know or just don't remember, al-Marashi wrote the Middle East Review of International Affairs article "Iraq's Security & Intelligence Network: A Guide & Analysis."  This ended up as part of Colin Powell's blot.  His 2003 UN speech arguing for war on Iraq lifted who passages of al-Marashi's article -- without crediting them as borrowed.  So even a dim bulb at Huffington Post should be able to grasp that al-Marashi's work argued for war on Iraq and was used by the US and British government to argue for war on Iraq.

    So why, today, is Huffington Post running al-Marashi's ""? 

    I'm not saying he should be shut out of the conversation.  But I haven't called for any to be shut out except those who lied (getting it wrong is not the same as lying).

    Again, is consistency from Huffington Post too much to ask for?

    The article in question is laughably bad and entitled "These Are the Three Most Common Myths About What's Happening in Iraq."

    In the first 'myth,' this writer whose work was an embarrassment in 2002 and 2003 wants to take on history.  Robert Fisk and others -- including many historians -- have made the argument regarding the WWI partitioning of Iraq  and its possible consequences.  I've never made such an argument.  I'm happy to entertain one but I'm just not that interested or vested in it.  I don't dispute it or slam those who are interested in that argument.  And I certainly wouldn't call it a myth. 

    Then the idiot wants to take on the 'myth' of sectarian divisions. 

    That's not a myth and he's an idiot.

    Shi'ites were persecuted under Saddam Hussein.  Like many, I stupidly ignored that during the first years of the Iraq War.  As more and more Iraqi Shi'ites contacted this site over the years, I realized that I was the one in the wrong.  Saddam's government included many Shi'ites.  There's no way the system couldn't, they were the majority of the population (and still are).  But there were those -- especially those who did not embrace secularism -- who felt persecuted and were persecuted.

    The US deepened the divisions.  Laura Flanders loved to go into that when she had her radio shows.  By asking who was a Sunni and who was a Shia, the US military was reinforcing a division.

    You know what?

    No.

    That's a minor thing.

    You can blow it off as 'dumb foreigners' if you're an Iraqi.

    Here's where the US deepened the division: Installing Shi'ites opposed to Hussein who had fled the country.  Nouri and so many others returned with chips on their shoulders, scores to settle and grudges to f**k.  These people, installed into the government by the US, went about staging holy wars.  If they had a real beef,  (a) grown ups learn to get over it and (b) Saddam Hussein was executed.

    So why does Nouri still target and attack the Sunnis.

    As Lily Tomlin's wise Edith Ann once observed, "To get back is to go back."

    The third myth?

    The idiot wrote:

    Maliki became prime minister in 2006 because the U.S. believed he would be a compromise candidate that could reconcile Iraq's factions. Calls, particularly in the U.S., for Maliki to step down would not resolve the current crisis, as there are no guarantees that his successor will resolve political differences between Iraqis. 
    Ironically, America's stance has made it harder for Maliki to step down. The Iraqi elections do not elect the prime minister but rather the party that choses the prime minister.

    Let's deal with the last sentence first.  They do not, the elections, elect "the party that choses the prime minister."  This is bad interpretation of the Iraqi Constitution, first and foremost.  Second of all, this argument (well made or poorly) became null and void by a court decision in 2010.  It is now the post-election period in which alliances are made and formed and the group that does that successfully is the one who gets first show at prime minister-designate.  (Not even prime minister, but, hey, when have we ever expected idiots writing for The Huffington Post to actually possess a functioning knowledge base?)

    Let's go back to the first part:

    Maliki became prime minister in 2006 because the U.S. believed he would be a compromise candidate that could reconcile Iraq's factions. Calls, particularly in the U.S., for Maliki to step down would not resolve the current crisis, as there are no guarantees that his successor will resolve political differences between Iraqis. 

    That's not the argument being made and I know since I put it forward here on April 12th and put it forward to members of Congress, two think tanks and White House friends in the days after.

    What is termed 'al-Qaeda' in Iraq is actually a group of bodies.  Their only common issue at present is opposting to Nouri's rule. 
    Want to break them up right now?  Pay attention, Barack -- remove Nouri from power.
    That requires no troops.  It only requires an honest election (as took place in 2010) and that the results be honored (which did not happen).
    If Nouri is not prime minister for a third term, you're going to see the bond that binds the various groups break away.
    Violence, once another person is named prime minister-designate, could actually fall as a result.


    I was not arguing -- read "I Hate The War" in full as well as what we did the following day at Third in "Editorial: If the US wants to reduce the violence ..." -- that violence would vanish and rainbows would pour out of gun barrels while grenades turned into candy.  I was arguing that Nouri's oppression of so many had made him a common enemy.  That his track record meant he would not be able to lead the people to a new Iraq.  I was arguing that a new prime minister would be a 'reset.'  Not a cure, a reset.  It would allow a brief window of time for people to wait and see if this was going to usher in an inclusive Iraq or not.

    Iraqis who are participating in the violence?  The bulk don't want to be.  They've been pushed into this by 8 years of Nouri's policies which have targeted them, disappeared their loved ones and so much more.

    Nouri gone doesn't mean Iraq finds peace.  It could mean, Iraq gets a few weeks -- maybe even a few months -- of lower violence (lower -- I'm not saying violence goes away) as the country has a chance to collectively take a breath.

    At Kitabat, Khadr Ramahi argues that Ayad Allawi might be able to pull off the reset.

    Unlike the idiot of The Huffington Post, I don't like writing about this.

    Why?

    I'm not a half-wit.

    While Prime Minister New could lower levels of violence, Prime Minister New could also do a few weeks or months of pretend actions while he or she uses that time and this pretend move forward to weaken the resistance and pick them off.

    I hope that does not happen but it could.  The fear of this happening is, in part, behind the reluctance of some to get behind Tareq Najm as the next prime minister-designate (due to his closeness to Nouri). Kitabat notes strong pressure coming down on the Sadrist bloc and Ammar al-Hakim's bloc to accept Tareq for the post.

    I wrote what I wrote -- and advocated for it to officials -- because it was before the elections and if the US government had stepped away from Nouri at that point -- even State Dept friends (including two officials who both called May 30th and asked me to walk them through what they'd dismissed in April) -- it could have made a difference in the election.



    RECOMMENDED: "Iraq snapshot"


    Wednesday, July 02, 2014

    THIS JUST IN! HE'S THE WORST!

    BULLY BOY PRESS &    CEDRIC'S BIG MIX -- THE KOOL-AID TABLE



    "I WON!" EXCLAIMED A GIDDY BARRY O UNTIL VALERIE JARRETT PULLED HIM TO THE SIDE TO EXPLAIN THIS WAS BAD NEWS.

    WHISPERED V.P. JOE BIDEN TO THESE REPORTERS, "EVEN I'M NOT THAT DUMB!"

    A CRESTFALLEN BARRY O WIPED A TEAR AWAY AS HE TURNED TO THOSE ASSEMBLED AND ASKED, "BUT I'M STILL PRETTY, RIGHT?  I'M STILL PRETTY?"







    Wang Guan: John Kerry, you just came back from Iraq.  Now looking back at the turmoil -- this is something you have been very engaged in. Do you think the previous administration in Iraq in 2003 was, as some call, a grave mistake?  And what will the US do next?

    John Kerry:  Well I am on record historically not only in saying that it was a grave mistake but in running against the president who ordered it and offering an alternative.  So I'm-I'm hardly capable of [Kerry laughs] ducking that squarely.  Yes, I think it was a grave mistake and I think we are still working through many of the problems associated with it even today.  There's a huge, residual hangover, a cloud, that hangs over the region as a consequence of that decision.  Now we are working very hard.  President Obama's decision was to make certain that we tried to change that and that's why he moved to withdraw the combat troops.  And now we're working very, very hard to empower the Iraqis themselves, they have to make this decision.  Iraqis have to decide who their government is.  And it needs to be a representative, unity government that brings people together and it resolves through it's reforms -- in terms of its relationships to the Kurds, it's relationships to the Sunnis -- Everybody, and the Shia, all have to be feeling as if their needs are being met through the governmental processes and structures that are established.  That's what we hope will emerge through the Iraqis themselves and their decisions in the next few days. 


    "I'm on record historically not only in saying that it was a grave mistake"?  "Offering an alternative"?

    I'm sorry, that's just not true.  I backed John Kerry in the Democratic Party primaries.  Many of my friends were for Howard Dean who presented as an anti-Iraq War candidate.  I remember their disgust with Kerry in the primaries and after he won the party's presidential nomination.

    I like John, I supported his primary campaign and general election campaign (even though he chose John Edwards for a running mate -- Mr. Grabby Hands was also a snake in the grass who fed the press anti-Kerry remarks after the campaign was over).  That doesn't mean I stay silent while he rewrites history.  I -- and many of his other 2004 supporters -- wish he had called it a "grave mistake" and that his 2004 campaign was "offering an alternative" but that simply was not the case.


    Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry said Monday he would not have changed his vote to authorize the war against Iraq, but said he would have handled things "very differently" from President Bush.
    Bush's campaign has challenged Kerry to give a yes-or-no answer about whether he stood by the October 2002 vote which gave Bush authority to use military force against Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.
    The question of going to war in Iraq has become a major issue on the campaign trail, especially in light of the fact that no weapons of mass destruction have been found there.

    Read the full article.  He's bothered by the planning of it. he's whining about tactics.  But the war was based on lies, there were no WMDs -- and that was well known by August 2004.  But he wasn't calling  out the lies of WMD, he wasn't retracting his 2002 vote (except for the ridiculous "I was for it before I was against it" statement).


    Today was supposed to be the big day to resolve everything political in Iraq via a session in Parliament.   Supposed to be.  June 20th, Tamara Keith (Morning Edition, NPR -- link is text and audio) reported on US President Barack Obama's desire for political solutions:

    (SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
    OBAMA: We do not have the ability to simply solve this problem by sending in tens of thousands of troops and committing the kinds of blood and treasure that has already been expended in Iraq. Ultimately this is something that is going to have to be solved by the Iraqis.

    KEITH: How? Obama says a political solution is needed. Problem is Iraqi politics are a mess. The country's prime minister Nouri al-Maliki, is Shiite, and his policies have been hostile to Sunnis. The radical group ISIS capitalized on those sectarian divisions, easing their way into Sunni-dominated cities. President Obama wouldn't say whether he thinks Maliki needs to go, but he is calling for a unity government.

    (SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
    OBAMA: Shia, Sunni, Kurds, all Iraqis must have confidence that they can advance their interests and aspirations through the political process rather than through violence. National unity meetings have to go forward to build consensus across Iraq's different communities.

    What Barack was asking for is similar to the call made by Iraq's Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani.  Workers Revolutionary Party notes, "World leaders have insisted on a political settlement among Iraq’s Shiite Arab, Sunni Arab and Kurdish communities and Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, revered among the country’s Shiite majority, has urged political leaders to quickly form a government after parliament convenes on Tuesday." Many made similar calls but more directly noting what "unity" really means -- no third term for Nouri. Prensa Latina reported yesterday:

    Meanwhile, the Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr called today the State of Law coalition, led by Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, to provide a new candidate for that office, since he will oppose his election for a third term in Parrliament.
    Al-Sadr, whose followers in the so-called Mehdi Army enlisted to fight the ISIL, defined as decisive the parliamentary session to be held Tuesday to start the process of forming the new government and elect a president and two vice presidents.

    While Sunni leaders have made clear that there should be no third term for Nouri al-Maliki, many Shi'ite leaders have also made that call -- Moqtada and Ahmed Chalabi being only two.  Jason Ditz (Antiwar.com) noted yesterday, "Current Iraqi PM Nouri al-Maliki has made a lot of enemies over the years, and Ammar al-Hakim, a top figure in the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), says Maliki has two big obstacles to a third term: Shi’ites, and everyone else."

    But he's a prime minister.  Two terms!  He must be so popular, after all.  No.  Nouri was never selected by Iraqis.  Following the December 2005 parliamentary elections, Iraqi MPs wanted Ibrahim al-Jaafari named prime minister.  In 2010, Iraqis voters made Nouri's State of Law a loser to Ayad Allawi's Iraqiya.  So how did the non-popular choice emerge a two-time victor?

    Nouri was installed as prime minister by the Bully Boy Bush administration in 2006 and kept by Barack's administration in 2010.  The US puppet has destroyed Iraq, not brought the people together.  Simon Assef (UK Socialist Worker) explained last month:

    The Iraqi state that emerged under the occupation was corrupt and deeply divisive. Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki deepened the schism by further alienating the country’s Sunni minority and threatening the autonomous Kurdish regions in the north
    Disenfranchised Sunnis began peaceful protests in December 2012 in what was known as the “Iraqi Spring”. Security forces attacked the camps, killing dozens of people. Maliki then flooded Sunni areas with his security forces.
    Thousands of people were rounded up, tortured and killed.
    A deep disaffection with Maliki’s rule precipitated the disintegration of security forces in the face of Isis. Now his government is close to collapse.

    The Socialist offers this take, "Since 2006, the western-supported Shia prime minister, Nuri al-Maliki, presided over sectarian discrimination, torture and imprisonment without trial. Maliki deployed sectarian rhetoric to take attention away from the atrocious conditions facing all Iraqis. The forcing of a leading Sunni minister into exile triggered popular protests in Sunni areas in December 2012 and early 2013, which the authoritarian regime brutally suppressed. "  How bad is the situation in Iraq?   Yassamine Mather (UK Weekly Worker) observed, "The sharp improvement in the relations between the United States and the Islamic Republic (and subsequently between the United Kingdom and Iran) has been remarkable - Washington is seriously considering military cooperation with Iran over the civil war in Iraq."

    All Iraq News reports 73 MPs  failed to attend the session (255 did attend).  Nouri's publicist Jane Arraf (Christian Science Monitor) maintains, "Despite talk of a boycott ahead of the opening, all but members of Ayad Allawi's Sunni bloc showed up."  Wow, who knew Ayad Allawi's bloc won 73 seats.

    They didn't.  (2010's Iraqiya splintered.  Ayad Allawi's section formed Al-Wataniya which won 21 seats in the April elections.  Osama al-Nujaifi grabbed another section, Muttahidoon, which won 23 seats. The third section was Al-Arabiya and it won 10 seats and it's Saleh al-Mutlaq's section.  Not only do you not get 73 if you add all three together, but Muttahidoon and Al-Arabiya were present for the session.)

    Jane Arraf's in a difficult spot.  She's whored for Nouri forever and day, writing one long lie after another.  Her latest b.s. may set a new low even for her.  Why the Christian Science Monitor employs the woman who was an apologist for Saddam Hussein and now is an apologist for Nouri al-Maliki is beyond comprehension.  Arraf has lied so much and done so over and over, so very often.  She is a one woman propaganda mill, whether 'reporting' for CNN or Al Jazeera or the Christian Science Monitor or NPR or PRI.  Never has one 'reporter' done so much and informed so little.

    While Iraqis were killed by Nouri for peacefully protesting, Jane looked the other way except for the occassional Tweet.  When her Tweet about Nouri's forces killing a protester could have provided context for the Hawija massacred, Jane ignored Tweet and never reported on it.  Never noted that the Tuesday massacre kicked off the Friday before when Nouri's forces killed a peaceful protester.

    Jane's latest is another sewer of lies and distortions and that's apparently what she's decided she'll stick with.

    You'll note the little media whore can't hide how one-sided she is.  For example, in the bad article that the Christian Science Monitor should never have published, she quotes Nouri's State of Law twice in the first five paragraphs as they attack Kurdish politicians.  Where in the entire article is the Kurdish response?

    A one-sided whore risks heavy hip injuries, let's all hope Jane's prepared for her tawdry future.




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    Moving to Iraq, Kitabat observes Nouri al-Maliki's fate is to be determined tomorrow when Parliament holds their first session.  Thug Nouri is completing his second term as prime minister and wants a third term.  His second term has been characterized with bullying, targeting, arresting political rivals, killing their relatives, attacking protesters, killing protesters, refusing to honor promises -- including signed legal contracts, and much more.  So some might say it is Iraq's fate that could be determined tomorrow.

    Iraq Times reports on rumors that State of Law has decided to abandon pushing Nouri for a third term and that they've come up with a new nominee for prime minister (supposedly Tareq Najm). National Iraqi News Agency, citing Ahrar bloc MP Hakim al-Zamili, noted the Iraqi National Alliance is supposed to select their nominee for prime minister at a bloc meeting tonight.  Iraq Times maintains the fight for the post of prime minister will be mainly between Adel Abdul-Mahdi and Tareq Najm with Ahmed Chalabi and Faleh al-Fayad dark horses in the race.  NINA quotes Kurdish MP Mahmud Othman declaring "the decision of changing the government and its approach and its faces begins from the National Alliance."  Tareq Najm would be a new name for the international community.  Adel Abdul-Mahdi is not a new face.  Following the December 2005 parliamentary elections, he was named one of Iraq's two vice presidents -- he was the Shi'ite Vice President, Tareq al-Hashemi was the Sunni.  Both served their term until 2010.  In 2010, both were named to a second term.  al-Hashemi left the country when Nouri began targeting him.  Adel Abdul-Mahdi left the government nearly six months before al-Hashemi left the country.  At the start of 2011, a worried Nouri lied to get protesters off the streets of Iraq.  He insisted, if given 100 days, he'd end corruption in Iraq.  At the end of 100 days, he failed to keep his promise (as always).  Adel Abdul-Mahdi resigned over the government's inability to address corruption.  He remains a powerful Iraqi politician (one with a world profile -- and Big Oil loves him).  He is a member of Ammar al-Hakim's Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq -- one the major Shi'ite political parties.


    Hamish MacDonald (ABC News) reports, "Shaping up as the political king-maker in the new parliament is the leader of the Supreme Islamic Council of Iraq, Ammar al-Hakim. In an interview with ABC News he said Maliki 'has two obstacles. He must be accepted by both the national Shia Alliance, and by the other minorities'."  Over the weekend, Arab Times noted this on the political situation:

    In a stunning political intervention on Friday that could mean the demise of Maliki’s eight-year tenure, powerful Shi’ite cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani urged political blocs to agree on the next premier, parliament speaker and president before a newly elected legislature meets in Baghdad on Tuesday. Saudi King Abdullah pledged in talks with US Secretary of State John Kerry to use his influence to encourage Sunni Muslims to join a new, more inclusive Iraqi government to better combat Islamist insurgents, a senior US official said on Saturday. Abdullah’s assurance marked a significant shift from Riyadh’s unwillingness to support a new government unless Maliki, a Shi’ite, steps aside, and reflected growing disquiet about the regional repercussions of ISIL’s rise. “The next 72 hours are very important to come up with an agreement ... to push the political process forward,” said a lawmaker and former government official from the National Alliance, which groups all Shi’ite Muslim parties. The lawmaker, who asked for anonymity due to political sensitivities, said he anticipated internal meetings by various parties and a broader session of the National Alliance including Maliki’s State of Law list to be held through the weekend. Some Sunni Muslim parties were to convene later on Saturday. Iraqi Sunnis accuse Maliki of freezing them out of any power and repressing their community, goading armed tribes to support the insurgency led by the fundamentalist group ISIL. The president of Iraq’s autonomous Kurdistan region has also said Maliki should bow out. Sistani’s entry into the fray will make it hard for Maliki to stay on as caretaker leader as he has since a parliamentary election in April. 


    And on the political merry go round, Hamish MacDonald (ABC News) reports

    Perhaps the single most significant public development in this process so far is the meeting of the Shia Alliance on Saturday night, after which the coalition of parties declared itself the biggest single voting bloc in the parliament. This issues a direct challenge to Maliki's State of Law party, which holds 92 seats and is the single largest party in parliament.
    The combination of seats belonging to the Shia Alliance may give them a mandate to form the new government and have the power to determine key positions, including the prime minister.



    Wow.  That's interesting, isn't it.  The group with the most seats in Parliament after the election.  Let's drop back to Saturday:



    Are we forgetting the 'judicial' decision Nouri pulled out of his ass in 2010?
    The one he put in his pocket and failed to inform anyone of ahead of the election.  It was his worst case scenario card.  If he didn't win the most seats, he had that decision.
    And he used it because he lost in 2010.
    The judicial decision said it wasn't about the biggest grouping before the election, it was about the biggest grouping after the election. 


    I wrote that Saturday in response to Shashank Bengali (Los Angeles Times) making the ridiculous claim  that seats won in the election by Nouri's State of Law gave Nouri first crack because he got the most.  The Constitution didn't say that.  And the Court verdict became the final word.  Once accepted, it's precedent.  It's custom.  That's why, if you didn't like it, you needed to object in real time (which we did here).  But four years later?  The verdict stands.

    And, yes, it is damaging to print claims like Bengali did -- print them as fact.  You can call it lying or you can call it whoring.  I don't care.   But Bengali's 'reporting' was damaging.  And I think a strong case can be made that Western reporters in May aided the violence, encouraged.  Unwillingly?  Absolutely.  But when a desperate and hopeless people are repeatedly told by western outlets that they are stuck with Nouri for a third term, it's not a surprise that violence sky rockets.



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