Wednesday, December 27, 2017

THIS JUST IN! STUDENT RELATIONS?

BULLY BOY PRESS &   CEDRIC'S BIG MIX   -- THE KOOL AID TABLE



REACHED FOR COMMENT, GONZALEZ TOLD THESE REPORTERS, "YEAH, HE'S 13.  BUT HE'S A BIG 13!"




Now let's move to the topic of militias:

It is clear that certain units of Iraq’s Shiite Muslim militias are still very active. The battle against the IS group has not yet ended in Syria. In Iraq, the country’s prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, declared victory over them in early December. As a result of the latter, a message came during the weekly prayers in Najaf last Friday: The highest clerical authority for Shiite Muslims in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, said that now that the Islamic State group had been defeated, it was time to integrate the militias into the existing Iraqi security forces. Al-Sistani also warned against the militias participating in upcoming federal elections, in a statement read by his representative, Abdul-Mahdi al-Karbalai.


That's Mustafa Habib reporting for NIQASH yesterday.  Let's also note this from his report:

Last Saturday in the city of Karbala, during a ceremony celebrating victory over the IS group, Qais al-Khazali, who heads another Iran-loyalist group, the League of the Righteous, announced that they now had three new enemies: Israel, the US and Saudi Arabia. The latter, in particular, is trying to deceive the Iraqi government, al-Khazali said, with the instigation of better diplomatic relations.
In his speech al-Khazali didn’t forget to thank Iran and the military group, Hezbollah, for their support to Iraq either. This is a common sentiment among leaders of the Iran-loyal militias.

Just two days afterwards, al-Khazali appeared again, this time in a video in the south of Lebanon, near the border with Israel. Dressed in military clothing, al-Khazali said his fighters were ready to stand with the Lebanese and Palestinian people, after the US government’s decision to recognise the disputed city of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. 





The League of the Righteous?


Dropping back to the June 9, 2009 snapshot with the realization that some who looked the other way in real time will now be outraged:



This morning the New York Times' Alissa J. Rubin and Michael Gordon offered "U.S. Frees Suspect in Killing of 5 G.I.'s.Martin Chulov (Guardian) covered the same story, Kim Gamel (AP)  reported on it, BBC offered "Kidnap hope after Shia's handover" and Deborah Haynes contributed "Hope for British hostages in Iraq after release of Shia militant" (Times of London). The basics of the story are this. 5 British citizens have been hostages since May 29, 2007. The US military had in their custody Laith al-Khazali. He is a member of Asa'ib al-Haq. He is also accused  of murdering five US troops. The US military released him and allegedly did so because his organization was not going to release any of the five British hostages until he was released. This is a big story and the US military is attempting to state this is just diplomacy, has nothing to do with the British hostages and, besides, they just released him to Iraq. Sami al-askari told the New York Times, "This is a very sensitive topic because you know the position that the Iraqi government, the U.S. and British governments, and all the governments do not accept the idea of exchanging hostages for prisoners. So we put it in another format, and we told them that if they want to participate in the political process they cannot do so while they are holding hostages. And we mentioned to the American side that they cannot join the political process and release their hostages while their leaders are behind bars or imprisoned." In other words, a prisoner was traded for hostages and they attempted to not only make the trade but to lie to people about it. At the US State Dept, the tired and bored reporters were unable to even broach the subject. Poor declawed tabbies. Pentagon reporters did press the issue and got the standard line from the department's spokesperson, Bryan Whitman, that the US handed the prisoner to Iraq, the US didn't hand him over to any organization -- terrorist or otherwise. What Iraq did, Whitman wanted the press to know, was what Iraq did. A complete lie that really insults the intelligence of the American people. CNN reminds the five US soldiers killed "were: Capt. Brian S. Freeman, 31, of Temecula, California; 1st Lt. Jacob N. Fritz, 25, of Verdon, Nebraska; Spc. Johnathan B. Chism, 22, of Gonzales, Louisiana; Pfc. Shawn P. Falter, 25, of Cortland, New York; and Pfc. Johnathon M. Millican, 20, of Trafford, Alabama." Those are the five from January 2007 that al-Khazali and his brother Qais al-Khazali are supposed to be responsible for the deaths of. Qassim Abdul-Zahra and Robert H. Reid (AP) states that Jonathan B. Chism's father Danny Chism is outraged over the release and has declared, "They freed them? The American military did? Somebody needs to answer for it."

Somebody sure should have answered for it.

But, remember, Barack's 'scandal' free -- according to the press.

Not only did Barack betray the fallen, his 'big deal' (which did not serve US interests) only resulted in the release of one living British citizen.  The other four were dead and the corpses turned over.



Peter Moore, the only one released alive, was a computer tech working in Iraq. Four British bodyguards were protecting him. The bodyguards were McMenemy, Jason Swindlehurst, Alec MacLachlan and Jason Cresswell. The families of the four have continued to publicly request that Alan McMenemy be released.



Barack entered into an agreement that did not benefit the US or Iraq. He freed known killers from prison. Killers of Iraqis, killers of American citizens. There was nothing to be gained by that act for Iraq or the US. At some point, history will ask how Barack Obama thought he was fulfilling his duties of commander in chief by making such an ignorant move?


In the meantime, let's remember that the same League now threatening the US is the one Barack freed from prison.



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  • Sunday, December 17, 2017

    THIS JUST IN! HILARY ROSEN UNCOVERS AN ANTI-ZIONIST CONSPIRACY!

    BULLY BOY PRESS &   CEDRIC'S BIG MIX   -- THE KOOL AID TABLE

    WITH THE RIAA, SHE WENT AFTER YOUNG AMERICANS EVERYWHERE AND WAS PART OF THE REASON NAPSTER CLOSED DOWN.

    WITH CNN, HILARY ROSEN IS STILL DOING DAMAGE TODAY.

    MOST RECENTLY, SHE ATTACKED A MAN ON TWITTER BECAUSE HE WORE A JACKET WITH BACON STRIPS PAINTED ON IT TO A GEORGETOWN GAME.

    HILARY ROSEN BRANDED THE MAN AN "ANTI-SEMITIC BIGOT."

    HUH?

    NO ONE COULD FIGURE OUT THAT LEAP TO BEGIN WITH BUT THE MAN'S LAST NAME IS BAKON -- PRONOUNCED BACON.

    REVEALED AS THE GLOBAL VILLAGE IDIOT, HILARY ROSEN RUSHED TO TAKE DOWN HER TWEET.

    REACHED FOR COMMENT, HILARY ROSEN INSISTED, "WAKEY WAKY EGGS AND BACKEY IS A WELL KNOWN GREETING THAT JEWS GOING INTO GAS CHAMBERS. AND WILD PIGS WERE REPORTED RELEASED IN JEWISH NEIGHBORHOODS TO FORCE THE RESIDENTS TO FLEE.  I AM NOT A CRACKPOT.  I WORK FOR CNN.  I AM PART OF THE MUST TRUSTED NAME IN NEWS!"


    FROM THE TCI WIRE:


    Yesterday, the Iraqi government carried out 38 executions.


    Important. Iraq also holding German-born Linda Wenzel.






    This morning, Liz Throssell, spokesperson for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, declared:

    We are deeply shocked and appalled at the mass execution on Thursday of 38 men at a prison in the southern Iraqi city of Nassiriya, Iraq, which once again raises huge concerns about the use of the death penalty in the country. These 38 prisoners had been convicted for terrorism-related crimes.

    Given the flaws of the Iraqi justice system, it appears extremely doubtful that strict due process and fair trial guarantees were followed in these 38 cases. This raises the prospect of irreversible miscarriages of justice and violations of the right to life.

    So far this year, we have learned of 106 executions in Iraq, including the mass hanging of 42 prisoners in a single day in September.

    We once again urge the Iraqi authorities to halt all executions, establish an immediate moratorium on the use of the death penalty and carry out an urgent and comprehensive review of the criminal justice system.




    Throssell notes 106 executions in Iraq this year.  In 2016, Amnesty International recorded 88 executions in Iraq.

    The 106 will not include the extra-judicial executions carried out by Iraqi forces.

    Ghaith Abdul-Ahad (GUARDIAN) reported on some of these executions in "After the liberation of Mousl, an orgy of killing."  One example:


    Then, on the radio, between batches of numbers, came the words: “We caught a D**sh.”
     Taha grabbed a radio and said: “Bring him to me.”
    A wave of excitement ran through the room. Taha made a pistol gesture and shot in the air. “We will have a party today.”
    Half an hour later, a soldier brought an old man into the room and pushed him to the floor. The man looked emaciated, but underneath his threadbare T-shirt, his muscles were tense and lean. His silky grey hair and wavy, shaggy beard, and the thick circles around his large, dark eyes, gave him the look of a 19th-century Russian revolutionary. The soldier said he was spotted crossing over from Isis lines with the civilians, but when he saw the soldiers he tried flee back to Isis territory.
    “Who are you?” asked Taha in a firm voice.
    “I am a hospital medic, please check my card.”
    “Where is your national ID card?” asked Taha.
    “It was taken by Isis fighters to prevent us from leaving,” replied the man.
    “Taken by Isis, or you destroyed it to hide your name? How do we know you are not an Isis commander?” asked Taha.
    “I am a medic sir, I told you. D**sh forced me to go to the old city and work in their field hospital. I was there treating injured civilians and yes, I will be straight with you, I did treat some of their fighters, too, because they forced me to. But I am not D**sh, sir, I actually hate them.”
    “You are a liar,” said Taha.
    “I swear by Imam Abbas … ” the man began, but before he had finished his oath upon the name of one of Shia Islam’s most revered figures, Taha smacked him hard in the face, sending him tumbling back into the lap of a soldier who sat behind him.
    “Don’t utter these names, you filthy animal.”
    The medic picked himself up, with an insulted look on his face. “But I am an old man,” he said softly, gradually bringing back the smile to his face. If there had been a moment in which he could have saved himself, it had now passed.
    Taha and the soldiers dragged the old man out of the basement and into the street. They found a deserted house attached to a large ancient church, and pushed the captive through a courtyard, up a few steps, and into a small, dark room with three tall arched windows that overlooked a cemetery. They sat him on the floor and he leaned against the base of one of the windows, his head backlit by shafts of the afternoon sunlight. They stood encircling him. “Yalla old man, why don’t you confess so we can send you away from here?” said one young officer.

    The old man, still smiling, said: “But how can I confess something I haven’t done? How can I prejudice myself?”
    A heavy-set soldier picked up a short, thick metal pipe and started prodding the old man’s knees with it. “Look, from the window, that rotten body over there,” he said. “That was one of your people. We captured him few days ago and he, too, refused to confess.”
    The man craned his neck and looked out of the window behind him. Below the house, a bloated, decomposed body had turned black under the scorching summer sun. He turned and smiled, but there was now a hint of fear, a loss of control. “I am just a medic,” he mumbled. Taha swung his leg back and kicked the man’s face so hard that he collapsed motionless on his back. For a second, everyone in the room thought he was dead.
    “Pour water on him, he is faking,” Taha said angrily.
     One soldier pulled the man up and sat him down again. Slowly, he opened his eyes, which at first looked stunned, and then darkened with anger. He opened his mouth, and a dark lump of flesh, blood and a set of large, gleaming false teeth tumbled on to his chest and the floor.
    “Ha, will you confess?” said the soldier with the metal pipe.
    “I have nothing to say,” hissed the man with blood pouring from his mouth. Taha nodded to the heavyset soldier, who pulled the old man to his feet, his legs wobbling. He leaned the man against the arched window and then, in one quick move, the soldier flipped him out of the window, but held his feet. The old man hung, swinging, from the window.
    “Are you going to confess now?” asked the soldier. “What else is left for you?”
    “How can I prejudice myself?” came the faint voice of the old man from below.
    In that dark room, the soldiers and officers looked at the old man’s feet, dirty and cracked, for a few seconds before they vanished from the window. He fell into the yard below with a thud. The soldier who had dropped him leaned out of the window with his machine gun and fired five bullets into the body in the rubble below. A cloud of gunpowder filled the room, dancing in the shafts of light. The soldier looked out of the window and then fired two more bullets. “These two at his legs, just in case he wants to walk home,” said the soldier, laughing.
    Taha and the two officers walked back. A young officer said, with a sheepish smile: “I wonder if God one day will punish us for all these killings. Will we go mad or something worse?”

    “He is my fifth since the start of [the battle of] Mosul,” said Taha. “Al-Qaida have one good principle: if they suspect someone, or have the tiniest evidence against him, they execute him. They say that if he was guilty, he deserved it, and if he was innocent, his blood will be purged and later he will go to heaven. I follow the same principle.”


    Ghaith Abdul-Ahad's entire report is available in audio format here read by Alice Arnold.






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  • Sunday, December 10, 2017

    THIS JUST IN! WHAT ABOUT THE BED BUGS!

    BULLY BOY PRESS &   CEDRIC'S BIG MIX   -- THE KOOL AID TABLE


    FOR THE SECOND TIME IN 2 WEEKS, CINCINNATI HAS WITNESSED A HOUSE FIRE THAT RESULTED FROM A RESIDENT ATTEMPTING TO KILL BEG BUGS THE CINCINNATI ENQUIRER REPORTS.

    AND THIS TIME, THEY NOTE 3 INDIVIDUALS HAD TO BE CARRIED TO THE HOSPITAL.

    AND 10 PEOPLE WERE DISPLACED.


    BUT THE BED BUGS?

    DID THE BED BUGS DIE IN THE FIRE?

     ARE THEY DISPLACED?

    DID THE USE OF ALCOHOL KILL THE BED BUGS.


    WITH 2 ATTEMPTS IN 2 WEEKS, IT MAY BE TIME TO CLEAR UP WHETHER THIS ALCOHOL AND FIRE TREATMENT KILLS THE BED BUGS OR NOT.





    • Reza Sayah:
      At a training camp just outside of the city of Kirkuk, a rare glimpse of America’s newest problem in Iraq, the Popular Mobilization Forces, PMF, for short, Hashd al-Shaabi in Arabic, an armed militia more than 100,000 fighters strong who helped crush ISIS in Iraq, many armed, funded, and trained by America’s longtime foe the Islamic Republic of Iran, with no plans to disband.
    • Abu Ali Beyk (through Interpreter):
      The PMF has reached a place where no one can stop it, and this is a blow to U.S. interests in the Middle East.
    • Reza Sayah:
      Abu Ali Beyk is the face of America’s newest problem, a battle-scarred PMF commander committed to God and driven by duty, and in no small measure, revenge.
      When Beyk was a child, Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, a Sunni Muslim, executed his Shia father. Beyk and his family fled to neighboring Iran, the leading Shia power in the region, where they lived for more than a decade. Twenty years later, he was back in Iraq fighting ISIS, a terrorist organization many here believe was made up of Sunni remnants of Saddam Hussein’s forces, and supported, Beyk says, by Washington’s Sunni Arab allies.
    • Abu Ali Beyk (through Interpreter):
      Everyone knows ISIS was manufactured by America’s allies in the region. The PMF, backed by Iran, defeated ISIS, so those American allies are not happy.
    • Reza Sayah:
      It was the threat of ISIS in Iraq that spawned the PMF in 2014. With most U.S. forces gone and Iraqi forces too weak to take on ISIS, the Iraqi government called on Iran for help, and Iraq’s highest religious authority, Shia cleric Ayatollah Ali Sistani, called for volunteer fighters.
      Within weeks, armed militias mobilized, backed by Iran.
    • Abu Ali Beyk (through Interpreter):
      While the whole world watched as Iraq was collapsing, in fact, it was only Iran that stood with us by providing us moral and material support.
    • Reza Sayah:
      The PMF acknowledged support from Iran. Many fighters say they have traveled there. We heard several speak the Iranian language of Farsi.
    • Haji Jawdat Assaf:
      We love Iranians.
    • Reza Sayah:
      But PMF spokesman Haji Jawdat Assaf insists they’re not beholden to Iran, and never use Iranian soldiers.


    But armed militias didn't mobilize within weeks.

    Why can't PBS demand accuracy?

    The militias existed.  They were barred from participating by Iraqi law.

    But they existed -- and they usually terrorized local communities.

    The remarks by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani didn't mean new groups sprung up.

    It just meant these thugs went in and became part of the Iraqi armed forces -- something that Hayder al-Abadi and the Parliament then illegally enforced.

    In fact, why can't PBS point that out?

    Without context, it's not news, it's just blather.

    I also missed, in last night propaganda, the fact that the militias have threatened US forces.

    US ally against ISIS War in Iraq, Shiite paramilitary Harakat Hezbollah Al-Nujaba threatened to attack the U.S. military in Iraq following President Donald Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s.





    20 hours ago?

    Thursday morning.  More than enough time to make Thursday night of a 'news' broadcast by PBS.

    And that wasn't the first threat to attack US troops made by Shi'ite militias.


    We've discussed this topic repeatedly -- most recently in the November 30th snapshot, following militia leader Hadi al-Ameri's threat to US troops who did not leave Iraq.

    In 2015, Maria Fantappie and Peter Harling (International Crisis Group) observed:


    Here is a new Iraqi paradox: whatever progress the Shi’ite Muslim-dominated Baghdad government makes against jihadi insurgents occupying large swathes of north-western Iraq, it is simultaneously undermining what is left of the Iraqi state, whose frailty and malfunctions created the environment in which jihadism was able to surge in the first place.
    The dereliction of the Iraqi state was already powerfully illustrated by the takeover of one-third of Iraq, including the city of Mosul, by Islamic State (also known as ISIL or ISIS) in June 2014. Security forces proved rotten to the core despite a decade of training and expansion. Local Sunni Arab elites were revealed to have turned their backs on their constituencies in favor of a corrupt, corrosive relationship with authorities in Baghdad. Power struggles in the capital often deteriorated into sectarian fear-mongering.
    Since June, matters have got worse, particularly in the current battle for the Sunni-populated town of Tikrit, where much of the fighting is by Shi’ite militias under the guidance of Iranian Revolutionary Guard commanders. Though Iraqi elites and foreign officials alike have signaled they understand the gravity of such shortcomings, they have done little beyond professing intent to shore up the military, re-empower Sunni Arabs through local governance and provision of security and launch an inclusive political process in the capital.
    At the same time, the new prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, has been all but sidelined by the massive expansion, multiplication and professionalization of so-called “popular mobilization” groups (Hashid al-Shaabi) – in effect Shi’ite militias – that enjoy considerable support in some segments of society and have taken the lead in the single-minded pursuit of defeating Islamic State by military means.
    This decentralized fight has reduced the army to playing a bit role at best, which in turn has reduced the role of the prime minister, its commander in chief. In the vacuum, these militias operate beyond the control of the state, erode its credibility and cannibalize its resources. Their victories — in Tikrit and elsewhere — most likely will further entrench and normalize their role at the state’s expense, which would mark a decisive turn away from the state-building process meant to be ushered in by the 2003 U.S. invasion.
    Abadi professes a reform agenda, but he has not been empowered to deliver on it. On one side, he derives little power from control over national security institutions that have been thoroughly discredited; the interior and national security ministries, in particular, are in the hands of political rivals and essentially serve as the militias’ logistical backbone. On the other, he faces open resistance in parliament, especially from Iran-backed hardline Shi’ite factions, to efforts to reach out to Sunni Arabs and return them to politics.
    The risk is that, as the balance of forces tilts further to the militias’ advantage, they will have the power to decide what happens during and after military operations. There have been troubling signs that, calls for restraint notwithstanding, they have engaged in the same brutal, sectarian-based practices as their Islamic State adversaries, including summary executions and population displacement in mixed Sunni-Shi’ite areas.
    Moreover, there is danger the aftermath of battle might include reprisals against local elements under the banner of transitional justice, targeting anyone thought to be associated with Islamic State, reminiscent of de-Baathification after 2003. Without local institutions or acknowledged leaders to govern Sunni Arab areas, militias could end up having to promote local proxies lacking legitimacy. This would be especially damaging for the process of appointing and recruiting local police.


    2015 is the same year that Michael Weiss and Michael Pregent (FOREIGN POLICY) observed:

    Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Martin Dempsey told Congress on March 3: “What we are watching carefully is whether the militias — they call themselves the popular mobilization forces — whether when they recapture lost territory, whether they engage in acts of retribution and ethnic cleansing.” He needn’t watch any longer. They are engaging in exactly that.
    The crimes of war
    On March 10, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released a comprehensive study of human rights violations committed by both IS and pro-Iraqi forces. The Islamic State, OHCHR concluded, has likely committed genocide against the Yazidis, a ethno-religious minority in Iraq, in a catalogue of war crimes and crimes against humanity that include gang-rape and sexual slavery. But OHCHR’s language is equally unambiguous in condemning the other side on the battlefield: “Throughout the summer of 2014,” the report noted, “[PMUs], other volunteers and [Shiite] militia moved from their southern heartlands towards [Islamic State]-controlled areas in central and northern Iraq. While their military campaign against the group gained ground, the militias seem to operate with total impunity, leaving a trail of death and destruction in their wake.” [Italics added.]
    Sunni villages in Amerli and Suleiman Bek, in the Salah ad-Din province, have been looted or destroyed by militiamen operating on the specious assumption that all inhabitants once ruled by IS must be IS sympathizers or collaborators. Human Rights Watch has also lately discovered that the “liberation” of Amerli last October — another PMU/Iranian-led endeavor, only this one abetted by U.S. airstrikes in the early stages — was characterized by wide-scale abuses including the looting and burning of homes and business of Sunni residents of villages surrounding Amerli. The apparent aim was ethnic cleansing.


    And a year earlier, Tirana Hassan (FOREIGN POLICY) was documenting the ethnic cleansing taking place in the name of 'liberation':

    There is mounting evidence that Iraq’s Shiite militias are using the fight against the Islamic State as cover for a campaign of sectarian violence targeting Sunni Arab communities. The Baghdad authorities have turned a blind eye to these militias’ crimes, while foreign governments have ignored the militias’ use of their military aid to pursue their campaign against Sunni Arabs. If the central Iraqi government doesn’t rein in Shiite militias and hold them and their commanders to account for their crimes — including war crimes — Iraq may enter even more terrible times.