CELEBRITY IN CHIEF BARRY O IS FINDING OUT JUST HOW UNPOPULAR 4 YEARS OF WAR WHORING AND CORPORATE ASS KISSING CAN MAKE YOU.
VLADIMIR PUTIN MAY HAVE PUT UP WITH ANYTHING BULLY BOY BUSH TOSSED HIS WAY BUT HE'S MADE IT CLEAR TO CELEBRITY IN CHIEF BARRY O THAT THINGS HAVE CHANGED.
BARRY O WAS INSISTING THE G8 WOULD BE "OFF THE CHAIN" BUT THAT WASN'T ENOUGH FOR PUTIN WHO BLEW HIM OFF LIKE HE WAS NICOLE RICHIE IN A KIM KARDASHIAN WORLD.
PUTIN SAYS HE'S TOO BUSY TO ATTEND IMPLYING THAT BARRY O'S LITTLE EVENT IS THE JOKE OF THE SEASON.
HUFFED BARRY O, "LIKE I CARE. WE'RE HAVING SMORES. SO THAT JUST MEANS MORE SMORES FOR ME!"
FROM THE TCI WIRE:
Nouri al-Maliki's Iraq still can't provide more than
six hours of electricity a day or potable water in most parts of the
country but Al Mada reports
the government has announced they will spend $50 million over the next
three years to launch a satellite into space. According to a press
release issued by the Ministry of Communications' Amir al-Bayati the
government seems to see itself in a satellite competition with Israel.
While Nouri frets over satellites, he still can't provide needed
sanitation. Alsumaria reports
that a Karbala garbge dump borders residential areas resulting in
people being exposed to waste and fumes and to disease and germs. Dr.
Ahmed Haidari states he is seeing respiratory issues -- including some
breathing problems -- as well as skin and eye issues. Residents
complain that the smell is akin to that of rotting corpses. As Michael Peel (Financial Times of London) observes,
"Iraq's economic story after more than four decades of dictatorship and
almost nine years of US occupation is a contradictory one of oil boom
heavy debts and chronic problems with basic services."
Meanwhile Kitabat reports
on an art exhibit in Amman, Jordan which focuses on Iraqi refugees and
how the International Organization for Migration's Mike Bellinger hopes
the exhibit will bring attention to the continued Iraqi refugee crisis.
The Iraq War created the largest refugee crisis in the MidEast since
1948. Millions have been displaced internally, millions have left the
country. Concerns over the crisis really began with the ethnic cleansing
of 2006 and 2007; however, the term "brain drain" had already been in
use for years by then and referred to the Iraqi professionals who fled
the country due to direct threats as well as the violence. This resulted
in what Dr. Souad al-Azzawi (Beyond Educide) has termed
"educide" ("a composite of education and genocide to refer to the
genocide of the educated segments of the Iraqi society") and Dr.
al-Azzawi notes:
During
the American occupation of Iraq, well-trained professors, often
graduates of highly qualified American or European universities, were
replaced by pro-occupation young freshly graduated faculty members. This
policy is pursued with grimness by the current puppet government.
Educide is still going on.
The minister of high education Ali Aladeeb turned the Iraqi universities into sectarian show-offs. No real attendance of classes, no real learning and teaching processes, and no real scientific advancements. All what he cares about is turning Iraqi universities and youth into sectarian institutes that look like Iranian regime revolutionaries.
The minister of high education Ali Aladeeb turned the Iraqi universities into sectarian show-offs. No real attendance of classes, no real learning and teaching processes, and no real scientific advancements. All what he cares about is turning Iraqi universities and youth into sectarian institutes that look like Iranian regime revolutionaries.
And it continues. Dr. Souad al-Azzawi (Beyond Educide) explains
last week Nouri ordered the arrest of Baghdad College of Economical
Sciences' Professor Muhammad Taqa who has been in his post since 1996
and is widely published and the author of six books. Professor Taqa was
born in Mosul in 1948, received his doctorate in economics in Germany
and is a member of the Iraqi Economics Society and the Union of Arab
Economists. All Iraqi News notes
that the political movement Iraqiya has decried the arrest and quotes
spokesperson Khadija al-Wa'ily stating, "The Movement warned from the
arbitrary arrests according to malicious charges which means that the
democracy is no longer available and replaced by the dictatorship. The
Professor, Mohammed Taqa was arrested by a military force which is
considered as evidence on the governmental terrorism where the
terrorists must be arrested rather than the national figures such as
Taqa." Azzaman reports
that "both students and legislators" have protested the arrest and the
news outlet notes, "No reasons are given for the arrest and the security
forces who stormed his office are declining comments." MP Abdudhiyab
al-Ujaili heads Parliament's Higher Education Commission and he notes,
"The arrest of Professor Taqa is a slap in the face of our efforts to
persuade academics who fled the country to return home. There was even
no warrant or order by the judicial authorities to carry out the
arrest." Today at Beyond Educide, an Iraqi professor explains how the academic system is being destroyed by the government:
The most important indications of the higher education collapse could be generally summarized as follows:
1- The most significant indication is assigning the Ministry of Higher Education to a person who has no academic qualifications, whose feet never stepped in campus, only after he was appointed as a minister. This appointment was not based on any skill or efficiency, rather on being a member of the governing political party, and on his Iranian origin (his mother for example does not speak Arabic), and on being Shiite. Of course there is nothing wrong with being of this or that origin, or being from this or that sectarian group, but this identity has become an exclusive passport for anyone to assume any (high) position, especially for none Iraqis.
2- Academic, scientific and administrative positions in public universities are assigned and shared according to sectarian affiliations, not expertise or efficiency. All the universities' presidents and faculties' deans are from a specific sectarian group; and their academic and administrative assistants are from other group in order to achieve a supposedly balanced share in power positions. Thus the criterion for appointment is not academic, but exclusively sectarian.
3- Admissions in universities are again based on sectarian affiliation, especially in post graduate studies. Norms of admission that are based on academic record are totally neglected, and exceptions have become the rule. In addition to that, channels of admission are numerous now: seats for political prisoners of the previous regime, seats for families of the martyrs(1) , seats for graduates of religious schools in Iran, seats for deserters during the Iraqi-Iranian war who sought refuge in Iran (the latter were rewarded pieces of land and 10 million Iraqi dinars- more than $10.000). What remains of seats are assigned to what is called "special" admission, which means those who pay higher and who are admitted outside the rules that are based on academic record. What remains of seats, if at all, are assigned to "real" students who compete on honest rules of marks and academic reports. The result of all these discriminations is that opportunities are given to those who do not deserve them, and are normally not interested in academic research, while serious students are deprived.
4- There is also a familiar criterion now, which is (exception from rules) in other areas, apart from the exceptional admission. For example: transfer from one university to another, or transfer from one specialization to another(2) . To explain this point I tell you the following story that took place to me personally: A person came to me asking that his nephew be transferred from X University to another one. I apologized saying that: we all know that this is impossible, because transferring a student from (an academically) lesser to a higher university is not allowed according to the rules, and advised him to look for another college that admits his nephew's academic degree (marks). Few days later, the uncle came back to me saying (sarcastically): "so you are a well known professor but you could not do such a 'small' thing. I told the butcher in our neighborhood about this story, and he just made a call by his mobile, and my nephew is immediately transferred to the college of Administration and Economics". May be this story can tell about the collapse of the whole system.
5- The public universities are "distributed" between the political parties who control, make decisions and admit students in them. Baghdad University for example is allocated to the Islamic Supreme Council in Iraq, while Al-Mustansiriah U. is allocated to the Sadr Group. The Nehrein U. (which was one of the most prestigious academic institutions) is allocated to Al-Da'wa party that totally destroyed it.
1- The most significant indication is assigning the Ministry of Higher Education to a person who has no academic qualifications, whose feet never stepped in campus, only after he was appointed as a minister. This appointment was not based on any skill or efficiency, rather on being a member of the governing political party, and on his Iranian origin (his mother for example does not speak Arabic), and on being Shiite. Of course there is nothing wrong with being of this or that origin, or being from this or that sectarian group, but this identity has become an exclusive passport for anyone to assume any (high) position, especially for none Iraqis.
2- Academic, scientific and administrative positions in public universities are assigned and shared according to sectarian affiliations, not expertise or efficiency. All the universities' presidents and faculties' deans are from a specific sectarian group; and their academic and administrative assistants are from other group in order to achieve a supposedly balanced share in power positions. Thus the criterion for appointment is not academic, but exclusively sectarian.
3- Admissions in universities are again based on sectarian affiliation, especially in post graduate studies. Norms of admission that are based on academic record are totally neglected, and exceptions have become the rule. In addition to that, channels of admission are numerous now: seats for political prisoners of the previous regime, seats for families of the martyrs(1) , seats for graduates of religious schools in Iran, seats for deserters during the Iraqi-Iranian war who sought refuge in Iran (the latter were rewarded pieces of land and 10 million Iraqi dinars- more than $10.000). What remains of seats are assigned to what is called "special" admission, which means those who pay higher and who are admitted outside the rules that are based on academic record. What remains of seats, if at all, are assigned to "real" students who compete on honest rules of marks and academic reports. The result of all these discriminations is that opportunities are given to those who do not deserve them, and are normally not interested in academic research, while serious students are deprived.
4- There is also a familiar criterion now, which is (exception from rules) in other areas, apart from the exceptional admission. For example: transfer from one university to another, or transfer from one specialization to another(2) . To explain this point I tell you the following story that took place to me personally: A person came to me asking that his nephew be transferred from X University to another one. I apologized saying that: we all know that this is impossible, because transferring a student from (an academically) lesser to a higher university is not allowed according to the rules, and advised him to look for another college that admits his nephew's academic degree (marks). Few days later, the uncle came back to me saying (sarcastically): "so you are a well known professor but you could not do such a 'small' thing. I told the butcher in our neighborhood about this story, and he just made a call by his mobile, and my nephew is immediately transferred to the college of Administration and Economics". May be this story can tell about the collapse of the whole system.
5- The public universities are "distributed" between the political parties who control, make decisions and admit students in them. Baghdad University for example is allocated to the Islamic Supreme Council in Iraq, while Al-Mustansiriah U. is allocated to the Sadr Group. The Nehrein U. (which was one of the most prestigious academic institutions) is allocated to Al-Da'wa party that totally destroyed it.
Those are five of 14 examples.
And so it goes in Nouri's Iraq, where everything crumbles and collapses
including justice -- even if so many Western outlets 'forget' to inform
the world of what's taking place. Kitabat reports
that the trial against Tareq al-Hashemi that was supposed to start last
Thursday but was then postponed to this Thursday has been postponed to
next Tuesday. This delay is said to be due to an appeal Hashemi's
attorneys have filed to move the case from the Criminal Court to the
Federal Court. Currently al-Hashemi is in Turkey. Al Rafidayn notes that he has the support of the Turkish government. Alsumaria reports
that a number of Iraqi politicians and triabal leaders protested
outside the Turksih consulate to lodge their demand that Turkey hand
Tareq al-Hashemi over to Baghdad. That's not at all surprising or
reflective of anything. In the 2010 elections, with over 800,000
voters, Basra awarded almost two-thirds of their seats (14) to Nouri's
State of Law (al-Hashemi's Iraqiya won only 3 seats in the province). The Journal of Turkish Weekly quotes
Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan stating, "We gave him all
kinds of support on this issue and we will continue to do so." Deputy
Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag is quoted stating, "We would not hand in
someone who we support." Press TV reports
Nouri "lashed out at his Turkish counterpart, saying Erdogan's remarks
did not show 'mutual respect'." Nouri's not thrilled with Turkey's
response to the red alert so he took time out from terrorizing academics
to make a little statement.
The Journal of Turkish Weekly actually explains
the INTERPOL Red Notice posted about Tareq al-Hashemi, "Sources said
that red notices were based on national warrants, and published at the
request of a member state as long as the request did not violate
Interpol regulations. Sources noted that red bulletin was not an
international warrant of arrest, adding that there was not a certain
verdict about al-Hashemi. Sources stressed that al-Hashemi was still
the vice president of Iraq and he had diplomatic immunity."
Al Mada reports
that the National Alliance held a meeting yesterday that they
self-described as important and that they state was part of their
efforts to resolve the country's political crisis; however, State of Law
was not invited to the meet-up. The National Alliance is a Shi'ite
grouping. Among the members are the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council
(Ammar al-Hakim is the leader), Moqtada al-Sadr's bloc, the National
Reform Trend (Ibrahim al-Jaafari is the leader), the Bard Organization
(Hadi al-Amir is the leader) and the Iraqi National Congress (led by
Ahmed Chalabi). The National Alliance backed Nouri al-Maliki for prime
minister in 2010. Nouri's political slate was State of Law. It came in
second in the March 2010 elections. Iraqiya, led by Ayad Allawi, came
in first. Eight months of gridlock followed those elections
(Political Stalemate I) as a result of Nouri refusing to honor the
Constitution and his belief that -- with the backing of Iran and the
White House -- he could bulldoze his way into a second term. The Erbil
Agreement allowed Political Stalemate I to end. Nouri's refusal to
honor the agreement created the ongoing Political Stalemate II. Marina
Ottaway and Danial Kaysi's [PDF format warning] "The State Of Iraq"
(Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) notes the events since
mid-December as well as what kicked off Political Stalemate II:
Within
days of the official ceremonies marking the end of the U.S. mission in
Iraq, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki moved to indict Vice President
Tariq al-Hashemi on terrorism charges and sought to remove Deputy Prime
Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq from his position, triggering a major political
crisis that fully revealed Iraq as an unstable, undemocractic country
governed by raw competition for power and barely affected by
institutional arrangements. Large-scale violence immediately flared up
again, with a series of terrorist attacks against mostly Shi'i targets
reminiscent of the worst days of 2006.
But there is
more to the crisis than an escalation of violence. The tenuous
political agreement among parties and factions reached at the end of
2010 has collapsed. The government of national unity has stopped
functioning, and provinces that want to become regions with autonomous
power comparable to Kurdistan's are putting increasing pressure on the
central government. Unless a new political agreement is reached soon,
Iraq may plunge into civil war or split apart.
The Erbil Agreement allowed Nouri to have a second term as prime minister. That was a concession other political blocs made. In exchange, Nouri made concessions as well. These were written up and signed off on. But once Nouri got his second term, he refused to honor the Erbil Agreement. Since the summer of 2011, the Kurds have been calling for a return to the Erbil Agreement. Iraqiya and Moqtada al-Sadr joined that call. As last month drew to a close, there was a big meet-up in Erbil with various political blocs participating. Nouri al-Maliki was not invited. Among those attending were KRG President Massoud Barzani, Ayad Allawi, Moqtada al-Sadr, Iraqi President Jalal Talabani and Speaker of Parliament Osama al-Nujaifi. Since December 21st, Talabani and al-Nujaifi have been calling for a national convention to resolve the political crisis.
Nouri spent the first two months dismissing the need for one, arguing that it shouldn't include everyone, arguing about what it was called, saying it should just be the three presidencies -- that would Jalal Talabani, Nouri al-Maliki and Osama al-Nujaifi -- and offering many more road blocs. As March began, Nouri's new excuse was that it had to wait until after the Arab League Summit (March 29th). The weekend before the summit, Talabani forced the issue by announcing that the convention would be held April 5th. Nouri quickly began echoing that publicly. However, April 4th it was announced the conference was off. Nouri's State of Law took to the press to note how glad they were about that.
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